Norman Finkelstein, the son of Holocaust survivors and a long-time critic of Israel, has taken a controversial stance against what he terms “wokeness” and cancel culture. For much of his career, Finkelstein was a prominent figure in the Palestinian cause. However, his disagreements with the movement’s evolving strategies led him to a more isolated position. His latest book, “I’ll Burn That Bridge When I Get to It,” critiques identity politics and its impact on contemporary leftist movements.
Finkelstein initially dismissed wokeness as a fleeting college fad, akin to political correctness from his youth. However, he became alarmed by its influence during Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020. Sanders, a self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist, resonated with a critical mass of Americans dissatisfied with the political system. Yet, prominent figures in the woke movement, who Finkelstein argues are supposed leftists, undermined Sanders. This, he believes, revealed the pernicious nature of woke politics.
Finkelstein contends that woke politics is a right-wing phenomenon masquerading as leftist. He argues that the Democratic Party has weaponised identity politics to displace its traditional base, the trade union movement. Unlike the relatively marginal political correctness of his youth, woke politics has significant institutional backing, including the Democratic Party, major media outlets, and liberal culture.
Identity politics, according to Finkelstein, focuses on race and gender while sidelining class issues. Historically, leftist movements supported struggles against racial and gender oppression as part of a broader class struggle. However, modern identity politics, he argues, has appropriated these causes without challenging elite privilege.
Finkelstein believes that while grassroots movements like Black Lives Matter began with genuine outrage, they were quickly co-opted by elites through substantial financial donations. Figures like Jeff Bezos and Jack Dorsey have given millions to prominent activists, which Finkelstein sees as “life insurance policies” to secure their positions against potential challenges from labour movements.
Reflecting on his own experiences, Finkelstein dismisses personal sacrifices as part of the leftist tradition. He recalls historical figures like Rosa Luxemburg, who endured significant hardships without complaint. For Finkelstein, the left has always been about sacrifice and dedication to the cause, not personal gain.
Despite his criticisms of the BDS movement and the backlash he faced, Finkelstein maintains that his priority has never been popularity. He cites Julian Benda’s “The Treason of the Intellectuals,” which argues that the pursuit of truth and justice is inherently at odds with fame and fortune. Finkelstein’s discomfort with his past popularity in the Palestinian movement underscores his commitment to these values.
Finkelstein’s critique of wokeness is rooted in his belief that it distracts from genuine class struggle. He acknowledges that societal values have radically changed since the 1960s, but he argues that the current woke phenomenon is fundamentally flawed. His willingness to speak out against wokeness, despite the potential for further isolation, reflects his dedication to what he sees as the true principles of the left.